State capture problem is bigger than anticipated - Ramaphosa

State capture problem is bigger than anticipated - Ramaphosa

- The state capture in South Africa is damaging the country immensely and needs to be ended as soon as possible

- During the increased activities of the state capture, Ramaphosa didn't admit the severity of the issue

- Ramaphosa now admitted that the state capture is a bigger problem than anticipated

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The state capture is on everyone's minds and tongues, but just what is the state capture?

A state capture is a type of systemic political corruption in which private interests significantly influence a state's decision-making processes to their own advantage.

Sounds familiar, doesn't it?

A report of about 500 pages detailed the who and the how of corruption in South Africa. The report was written by Thuli Madonsela, the then-public protector.

President Ramaphosa told Sanef - the South African National Editor's Forum - he became fully aware of the extent of the state capture only after the first published reports of the leaked Gupta emails.

These reports were published at the end of May 2017.

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Many of you [in the media] had already raised a number of issues on a piecemeal basis ... that happening, and that is happening ... then we had this and that ... but when you finally prised open the whole thing, it became patently clear that we were dealing with a much bigger problem than we had ever imagined.

Then, when Eskom came into the spotlight for possible fraud, Ramaphosa is said to have thought of it as an isolated incident. He thought it was "just a wheel nut that came loose".

And again, when more reports of state capture surfaced, our president remained adamant that it was nothing more than the wheel nuts that came loose.

But Ramaphosa served in 2 very powerful positions when state capture was quickly becoming more than "just that" and grand corruption was everywhere.

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Ramaphosa also read the report written by the public protector.

Here's a look at some of the incidents that Ramaphosa called nothing more than a few loose wheel nuts:


January: An inter-ministerial committee exonerated Jacob Zuma of any absolves Zuma of any accountability in the Nkandla issue.

April: A Gupta-owned plane with wedding guests landed at Waterkloof Air Force Base and the country immediately cried out its shock

August: Reports of disputes and and instability at the NPA start to surface. Nomgcobo Jiba is highly upset that Mxolisi Nxasana had been appointed national director above her.

November: Four ministers filed an application in the High Court to stop Thuli Madonsela from releasing her preliminary report into Nkandla.

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February: Thuli Madonsela released a report about large-scale corruption and mismanagement at the SABC.

March: Madonsela then released a report into Nkandla, and showed the benefits Zuma received, titled "Secure in Comfort".

June: Motsoeneng is appointed as COO by the SABC board after instructions from the newly appointed minister of communications Faith Muthambi.

The so-called SABC 8 are dismissed from the broadcaster.

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August: The then-minister of police, Nathi Nhleko, finalised his investigation into Nkandla and found no wrongdoing on the part of Jacob Zuma.

The EFF got ejected from Parliament after chanting "pay back the money".

September: Anwa Dramat is suspended as head of the Hawks and Berning Ntlemeza is appointed acting head.

Tom Moyane is appointed SARS commissioner by Jacob Zuma.

October: Reports about a "rogue unit" at SARS surfaces.

November: A report by a parliamentary committee finds that Jacob Zuma does not have to "pay back the money".

December: The then-Minister of Public Enterprises Lynne Brown appoints a new Eskom board. Nine of these members have links with the Guptas.

Senior staff from SARS begin to leave. This continued until May 2015.

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February: The country is outraged when cellphone signals are jammed by the State Security Agency during the opening of Parliament. It is believed this was done to protect Jacob Zuma. Not long after, the EFF was violently ejected from the National Assembly.

June: Jacob Zuma visited Russia, and rumours that he wants to sign a contract with Rosatom gets more fuel.

July: Denel (state arms manufacturer) gets a new board Brown installs new board.

Eskom helps Optimum coal mine become a Gupta target.

September: Minister of Mineral Resources Ngoako Ramatlhodi is fired by Jacob Zuma. Mosebenzi Zwane is appointed as new minister.

November: Zwane travels to Switzerland to help negotiate the sale of Optimum to the Gutpas.

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December: Nhlanhla Nene is fired by Jacob Zuma as Minister of Finance. Des van Rooyen is his barely known replacement but is soon replaced with Pravin Gordhan.


January: The year starts off with the Guptas' company forming a partnership with Denel and Denel Asia is born.

February: Pravin Gordhan warns of "a coup at National Treasury".

Ntlemeza and the Hawks start harassing Gordhan.

March: The Constitutional Court in the Nkandla judgement finds that Jacob Zuma broke his oath of office and decides that he has to pay back the money.

Deputy Minister of Finance Mcebisi Jonas, Themba Maseko, former Cabinet spokesperson, and former ANC MP Vytjie Mentor claim that the Guptas are involved in Cabinet appointments.

Thuli Madonsela begins her investigation into state capture.

April: South Africa is shocked when Eskom authorises a payment of more than R600 million to the Gutpas' Tegeta in order to help the purchase of Optimum.

The High Court rules that the "spy tapes" must be released to the DA.

May: Gordhan makes news headlines when he asks the public for help in protecting the National Treasury and its staff against an onslaught it is undergoing.

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August: The Hawks summonsed Gordhan to appear before them to give a warning statement.

The ANC achieves its worst electoral results ever, losing control of the metro councils of Tshwane, Johannesburg and Nelson Mandela Bay. ANC support drops to 54 percent.

October: Shaun Abrahams, National director of Public Prosecutions, announces that he plans to prosecute Gordhan.

Gordhan goes to the High Court to force the Guptas to stay away from him and Treasury.

November: Jacob Zuma tries to prevent the release of Thuli Madonsela's report into the state capture, but it gets released anyway.

Brian Molefe resigns as Eskom CEO after consistent reports of malfeasance and corruption.

December: The Gupta's bank accounts are closed by South Africa's biggest commercial banks.


March: The Hawks head Ntelemeza is found to be dishonest and ill-suited for the post.

The Constitutional Court finds that Minister of Social Development Bathabile Dlamini neglected her duties in relation to the payment of welfare grants.

Jacob Zuma fires Jonas and Gordhan as minister and deputy minister of finance by Zuma. Malusi Gigaba (a known Gupta contact) replaces Malusi.

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An outspoken critic of Jacob Zuma, Derek Hanekom, is dismissed from the Cabinet.

April: The Cape Town High Court declares any and all agreements in relation to the nuclear deal null and void.

The South African Communist Party publishes a report on London-based PR firm Bell Pottinger's campaign of misinformation.

May: South African newspapers publish the first reports of the Gupta leaks.

June: Motsoeneng is dismissed from the SABC after a ruling by the High Court.

The Constitutional Court paves the way for a secret ballot in the vote on Jacob Zuma's suitability as president, which is to be held in Parliament.

South Africans are upset about the state capture issue:

All of this information points to the state capture's development. Since Ramaphosa had all of this information available to him, it is hard to believe that he did not realise the seriousness of the issue.

Watch the Top-5: How to be an African president detailed guide and other videos on Briefly South Africa's YouTube channel.

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